January 2009 News

January 2009 News


Dated the 3rd January, 2009

When I have very clearly stated that I am not the President of the those who have capitulated the ideology and principle of the NDFB by submitting memorandum to the government of India on the 30th September, 2008 and adopted a resolution to take part in Indian election, the expulsion of me is nothing but ridiculous and gimmicky.  The expulsion does not have any equation. Those who have betrayed the national principle and deviated from the ideology and principle of the NDFB do not have any moral authority to talk about expulsion of me and NDFB. The arrest of B. Aogai and B. Jugami and their statements are just to tarnish my image and ploy to implicate me with 30th October blasts and to develop an expulsion theory. If the statement of the police is to be believed, Aogai and Jugami have clearly stated that the policy and planning to execute the serial blast of 30th October was planned in a village of Kokrajhar.  The expulsion of me by B. Sungthagra, B. Swmkhwr and S. Sanjarang who are campaigning in New Delhi is just a policy of appeasement towards New Delhi.  It is a ploy to avoid arrest and just to extend the ceasefire. It is not the decision of the so called National Council of the NDFB. It is nothing but the submission at the dictation of New Delhi. B. Sungthagra who has just come out from jail after six years and whose hands are stained with innocent blood does not have moral authority to make sermon on humanity and rights violation.

After waging a war for 18 years for the legitimate rights of the Boro people, when almost all the leaders were in jail or missing I initiated and declared the ceasefire on the 4th October, 2004 to resolve the Indo-Boroland issue peacefully and democratically. As requested by the government of India, the Proposed Agenda to initiate the talks was also submitted to the government of India on the 1st May 2008. But it is unfortunate that instead of initiating the talks the government of India rejected the Proposed Agenda out rightly and started dictating its own terms on the NDFB. Therefore, who is to blame for ceasing the ceasefire and the failure of the talks? Now the NDFB shall have no other option but to renew the war for the liberation of Boroland and Boro people that waged 22 years back upholding our heads high.

I am neither removed nor expelled from NDFB. I am the President of the NDFB that has been fighting for the liberation of Boroland and Boro people for the last 22 years. The NSCN, DHD, UPDS and ANVC are in ceasefire and NSCN has been talking to India for more than 11 years but hitherto nothing come out of the talks. The freedom of the Boro people will not come from New Delhi but only through continuation of the resistance movement and sacrifices.

Also I would like to make it clear that in 1996 the NDFB did not take part in the election. When the ABSU Accord that was signed in 1993 failed, as a lone force of the Boro people we were requested by all to initiate unity and to form a party. Out of our initiative and sacrifice the People¢s Democratic Front was born and the PDF took part in the election.

D. R. Nabla

President, NDFB

Dated the 3rd January, 2009


IMPHAL, Jan 4:

No IM Tax demand CFMG

Amid severe shortage of cooking gas (LPG) in the State owing to alleged monetary demand by the NSCN (IM), Chairman of the Ceasefire Monitoring Group (CFMG) General Mandhita has reportedly denied that the Naga rebel group had made any such demand.

According to a highly placed source here, the CFMG Chairman contacted officials concerned of the State Government and issued a clarification that officially cleared the NSCN (IM) from any involvement in levying tax of Rs 15 lakh from the Sekmai Gas (LPG) Bottling Plant as well as LPG distributors.

Apart from denying involvement of the IM group, which is currently observing a ceasefire and having talks with New Delhi, Gen Mandhita is said to have commented that involvement of the rebel outfit’s splinter/breakaway group/s making the monetary demand could not be ruled out.

Significantly the Army officer, according to the source, sought detailed information from the State government such as schedule of movement of bullet tankers/LPG carriers, the exact location where the incident of stopping and turning back the vehicles occurred so that the Army could initiate necessary action.

More information on the LPG impasse could be extracted by The Sangai Express when contact was established with the individual through the telephone (mobile) number which was reportedly handed to Bullet Tanker operators for communication on the tax demand.

No IM tax demand : CFMG

The individual in question claiming to be a member of the GPRN also conveyed his name and designation in the outfit but insisted that such details should not be published in the newspaper as he is not authorised to comment on the matter by the GPRN’s Ministry of Information and Publicity.

Conceding that the tax demand was indeed made, he said to establish mutual understanding and sustain cordiality between the outfit and the transporters/distributors the said amount was ‘urged’ verbally as favourable response from the distributors was expected.

Further insisting that distributors ought to cough up the said amount, the GPRN member contended that as 30 percent tax is being levied by the Government from the distributors the GPRN insistence for the minimal amount is justifiable as LPG carriers (bullet tankers) pass through GPRN territories.

Informing that the tax demand was made verbally and no demand letter had been served on the matter, he also held the authorities of the Sekmai Bottling Plant responsible for the shortage in cooking gas faced by consumers of Manipur.

Further expressing that the issue could have been resolved through negotiation, the GPRN member also disclosed of LPG distributors in the ‘Group A’ category of amassing income to the tune of Rs 25 lakh annually whereas profit earned for every truck load of LPG stands at Rs 2000.

Taking into account the profit figure of the distributors the GPRN merely sought minimal contribution, he reiterated during the telephonic conversation.

The individual also recounted when LPGs were carried in ‘pack truck’ the NSCN (IM) used to levy godown tax but the tax collection module had to be dropped as the sekmai Bottling Plant technically served as the LPG storage godown.

He also disclosed that after setting up of the Sekmai plant the IM group had been levying daily tax of Rs 300 for each truck-load or Rs 5000 annually.

In another startling revelation some bullet tanker operators speaking to the Sangai Express at near the Sekmai bottling plant on condition of anonymity contended that there is strong apprehension of certain drivers conniving with the armed group in the godown tax demand of Rs 15 lakh against the distributors.

Claiming that about 10 bullet tanker operators out of many drivers engaged for supply to the Plant operate as a different constellate seldom interacting with their colleagues (majority group).

Coincidentally, the two bullet tanker drivers reportedly at the custody of the rebel group are from this cluster, they claimed and provided inputs with regard to the hijack of a bullet tanker in December last from near Maram.

Identifying driver of the hijacked bullet tanker as a Nepali individual called Raman, the drivers during the interaction at the Sekmai plant insisted that Raman was reluctant to share information regarding the hijack story other than saying that the vehicle was taken to an interior location in Senapati district.



Guwahati, Jan. 5, 2009:

Delhi mulls flushout from Naga camps

The Centre will launch an operation to smoke out leaders and activists of Assam militant outfits holed up in Naga rebel camps in Nagaland.

Highly placed sources in the state home department today said Dispur had pointed out to Delhi that these camps had become a major source of trouble for the state as militants belonging to several outfits like Ulfa, ANLA and DHD (J) were taking refuge there under the patronage of the Naga rebels.

While some senior Ulfa cadres were said to be carrying out their activities from camps of the NSCN (K), militants belonging to the other two outfits were being hosted by the NSCN (I-M) in their camps. “However, given that the government is in a ceasefire with the two Naga outfits, it is Delhi’s responsibility to ensure that their camps are not misused,” a source said, adding that the Centre has assured Dispur that it would take action in the wake of the recent blasts.

Sources said home minister P. Chidambaram was told about the development during his recent visit to the state. A senior police official said Uttam Bengra and John Toppno, the two dreaded ANLA militants involved in the recent Rajdhani blast, top DHD (J) commander Athen Hapila alias Daku, who escaped from a prison in Haflong recently, were holed up in Nagaland.

Recently, several ANLA cadres, including Samson Saha, were apprehended along the Assam-Nagaland border while they crossed over from Nagaland. A police official in Karbi Anglong said it was because of the fact that the ANLA cadres were finding a safe haven in Naga camps that it was becoming increasingly difficult to arrest them. “Operations against the ANLA militants have intensified in recent times, especially after they tried to trigger another blast on the Rajdhani Express. We apprehended a few but most of them are taking shelter across the border,” the official said.

He said though the police have specific information about the ANLA cadres taking shelter in designated Naga militant camps, the cops are helpless since it would be in violation of ceasefire ground rules with Naga militants if those camps were attacked. “We are in touch with our counterparts in Nagaland but they also seem helpless,” the official said.

In fact, the ANLA commander-in-chief, Nirmal Tirki, had revealed that the bomb the outfit used to trigger the blast under the Rajdhani Express in 2007 was bought from Naga militants. Tirki, who was arrested in Jharkhand, is now in the custody of Assam police.

Home department sources said a few cadres of the B company of Ulfa’s 28 battalion were also being sheltered by Naga militant outfits. “As long as Naga militant outfits continue to provide shelter to these Assam militants, it is impossible to apprehend them,” he said.

Army sources in Sivasagar said several hardcore Ulfa cadres of the B company of the 28 battalion were holed up in Mon district of Nagaland, bordering Sivasagar district. “These militants are being provided logistical support by the NSCN (K). These Ulfa cadres cross over the border, carry out strikes in Assam and hop right back,” the army official said.

Intelligence sources said the B company had set up a camp in Mon district recently with the help of the NSCN (K), after the A and C companies declared a unilateral ceasefire in June last year.



Terror kills more in NE than in J&K


The serial blasts in Guwahati on New Year’s Day were a chilling reminder to the country of a forgotten but deadly war being fought in the Brahmaputra valley and the surrounding hills.

In the year just gone by, over a thousand persons were killed in terrorist related violence in the seven states of the northeast. The bulk of these deaths occurred in just two states – Assam and Manipur. Assam reported 372 fatalities while the death toll in Manipur was just shy of 500, second only to Kashmir, which recorded 539 deaths. While the country has been preoccupied with Kashmir and escalating terrorist violence elsewhere, separatist violence in northeast has crept up. Data from the South Asian Terrorism Portal (SATP) shows that the total number of deaths in this region has increased from 640 in 2006 to 1057 in 2008.

These figures include a steadily increasing number of fatalities among the separatists themselves, but there is a parallel rise in deaths of innocent civilians as the terrorists take recourse to bombings like the one in Guwahati on Thursday. The number of terrorists killed has increased from 317 in 2006 to 501 in 2007 and further to 612 in 2008. But the civilian death toll too has mounted from 231 in 2006 to 405 in 2008. Casualties among security forces operating in the region have declined drastically from 92 in 2006 to 40 in 2008. An estimated 2 lakh persons are reported to be internally displaced due to ethnic strife.

Northeast is no stranger to insurgencies with all its seven states having witnessed some form of armed separatism over the last six decades. In the 15 years since 1994, an estimated 16,271 persons have been killed in this volatile region. A combination of persistent economic backwardness and the presence of several dozen ethnic groups has made this region a crucible of identity politics. Nearly 20% of the 50 million people of the region are below the poverty line. Of the 635 tribal groups identified by the Anthropological Survey of India, 213 reside in the northeast.

Some states have a very low or passive level of separatist activity like Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh. In Mizoram, the insurgency ended in 1986 after the accord between the Union government and the Mizo National Front led by Laldenga. Meghalaya too has a relatively lower and declining level of terrorist activity although a number of separatist groups are active in extortion and other criminal activities.

Tripura, which till a decade back was a hotbed of terrorist actions, appears to have overcome the menace through a determined political effort.

But in three states – Assam, Manipur and Nagaland – separatist violence continues with an incendiary mix of ethnic strife. While terrorist actions in Assam still get attention, Manipur, with the second highest number of terrorist related deaths after Kashmir, has remained below the national radar. All 59 police stations in the state have reported terrorist activities, and 32 of them have been placed in the high violence category.

SATP estimates that there are at least 15 major militant groups with approximately 10,000 cadre active in the state. The desperate situation is highlighted by the fact that Manipur continues to remain classified as a disturbed area since the 1970s.

It has a higher police-to-population ratio than the national average and yet there is no end to violence. Assam, the biggest state in the northeast, has been the hunting ground of Ulfa despite several army operations against it, including the 2005 sweep in sanctuaries in the Bhutanese foothills.

Decades of Ulfa violence has spawned rival outfits from amongst plains tribals and Muslims, leading to an ever escalating spiral of violence on innocent civilians of every community. Current estimates put active terrorist groups at 12, while inactive groups number over 20. Recent reports suggest that Ulfa has also tied up with some factions of Naga separatist groups, operating in Nagaland and Manipur.


The Bodo battleground: Ominous portents

DATELINE Guwahati/Wasbir Hussain

Date: 5 Jan 2009

The National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB), one of the region’s frontline separatist groups, has split into two factions (pro and anti-talks), and that’s official now. The group’s exiled president Ranjan Daimary alias D. R. Nabla was replaced by his deputy, vice-president B. Sungthagra alias Dhiren Boro last month. Nabla responded by claiming he continues to be the president and dubbed the Boro faction as having literally sold-out to the Government. On the first day of the New Year, January 1, the Dhiren Boro group expelled Nabla from the outfit. This after an arrested NDFB cadre told police that the October 30, 2008 serial blasts that had rocked Asom was carried out under direct orders from Nabla.

But, that is not the big news anymore on the Bodo insurgency front. The big news is that the Government has not extended the ceasefire with the NDFB that expired on December 31, 2008. “The truce has not been extended. I agree that the situation is nebulous now and action will be taken by the security forces against NDFB cadres who are outside the designated camps,” a top Assam Government official told this writer on Thursday. But, in all probability, the ceasefire with the Dhiren Boro faction will be extended sooner than later, particularly after this group has made enough demonstration of having distanced itself from the Nabla group. Dhiren Boro has since described the October 30 blasts as a clear act of terrorism.

That the Bodo insurgent group, on a ceasefire with the Indian Government since May 25, 2005, has actually split had become clear on December 15, 2008 when some of its top leaders held a ‘general assembly’ at a truce-time designated camp in Assam and replaced its exiled president Nabla. NDFB vice-president Dhiren Boro, physically present and in the open in Asom, was elected president, leading to speculations in the media whether the rebel group has split into pro and anti-talk factions.

Nabla himself set aside all speculations on December 27, 2008 when he sent an e-mail to journalists confirming the split. Daimary, believed by Indian authorities to be based and operating from Bangladesh, said: “…I am still the president of the NDFB that has been fighting for the last 22 years for the right to national self-determination, independence and sovereignty of the Boro people.” The exiled NDFB leader made it clear that he was not representing those of his group’s cadres who, he said, have “capitulated the ideology and principle of the NDFB by submitting a memorandum on the 30th September, 2008 to the Government of India and who have adopted a resolution to take part in Indian elections.”

This development—that is likely to trigger fresh fratricidal clashes among rebel factions in Asom’s western and northern Bodo tribal heartland— raises questions as to whether going for a ceasefire with insurgent groups is a right approach in the quest for peace. For more than three years after the NDFB-New Delhi truce, it appeared as if the entire NDFB top-brass was on board. That it was not the case became clear when several NDFB cadres were found to have been involved in the deadly bomb explosions in Asom on October 30, 2008 that killed 89 people and injured more than 500 others. Besides, recent video footage showed Nabla himself inspecting a passing out parade of new NDFB recruits at a base, which intelligence sources say, is located in Bangladesh despite the group being on a ceasefire with the Government.

If Nabla —founder president of the NDFB (formed on October 3, 1986)— was keeping his fighting machine oiled, leaders like Dhiren Boro and general secretary B Swmkhwr alias Govinda Basumatary went out of their way to extend the olive branch to the authorities, particularly after the heat in the wake of the October 30, 2008 blasts. The Asom-based leadership sought to distance itself from Nabla & Co. and quickly replaced him with Dhiren Boro as the new president. Besides, to halt the long arm of the law, the Assam-based leaders announced they would directly or indirectly participate in the forthcoming Lok Sabha polls. “…We are thinking of playing a role in the elections,” the pro-talk NDFB faction has said. The group headed by Dhiren Boro and Govinda Basumatary tried hard to hammer home the point to the authorities that the entire NDFB as a group cannot be blamed for acts of terror that may have been committed by a faction in the group or those owing allegiance to hardliners like Nabla. The divide was clear and Nabla’s statement on December 27, 2008 only confirmed the split.

The Government now has new challenges in hand—the possibility of clashes between pro and anti-talk NDFB factions is indeed high. Secondly, the Government, both at the Centre and the State, have suddenly realized that Bodo insurgency was not going to end after all even if a peace agreement was reached with the NDFB group headed by Dhiren Boro and Govinda Basumatary. The Nabla faction too is aware of the challenges facing the group. Therefore, the clever ploy by Nabla to seek peace with the cadres of the now disbanded Bodo Liberation Tigers (BLT). “Today, as president of the NDFB, I declare to stop all enmity between NDFB and ex-BLT members on the basis and spirit of 1999 agreement between BLT and NDFB. So I appeal (to) our members and ex-BLT cadres to refrain from attacking each other for the greater interest of the Boro nation,” Nabla said in the statement. The exiled NDFB leader knows that he cannot afford to have both the pro-talk NDFB faction and the former BLT men as his enemies.

Aside from the challenges at hand, the Government’s strategy of postponing peace by letting the ceasefire with rebel groups on a truce mode linger on needs tough questioning. Examples of insurgent groups on ceasefire in the Northeast getting restive and breaking away can be found in plenty. The two best examples are the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah faction) or the NSCN-IM and now, the NDFB. The NSCN already had two factions (the other being the Khaplang faction or the NSCN-K), but the tortuous road to peace as evident by the inability of the group and the Government to reach any agreement had led to infighting and eventually a split. The formation of the NSCN (Unification) on November 23, 2007 by some NSCN-IM cadres headed by its one-time ‘home minister’ Azheto Chopey is a case in point. The latest turn of events within the NDFB leading to the split is another example of long ceasefires without any tangible resolution of the conflict triggering factionalism within insurgent groups.

The security establishment might actually be happy that groups like the NSCN or the NDFB have suffered splits. But as things stand on the ground, these are not welcome developments in so far as finding lasting peace in any insurgency theatre is concerned. Aside from having to deal with internecine violence, the Government in such a faction-ridden insurgency theatre will be required to accommodate the socio-political aspirations of several factions within a small playing arena. In the Bodo heartland of Asom, for instance, three major rebel forces are currently at play: (a) the former BLT militants who have since transformed into a political party called the Bodo People’s Front (BPF) and is in power at the autonomous Bodoland Territorial Council (BTC); (b) the Dhiren Boro faction of the NDFB that is the faction on a ceasefire and making its intention of joining electoral politics clear, and (c) the hardline NDFB faction headed by Nabla that is obviously outside the purview of the truce. This means, three major forces, aside from the mainstream political forces, are fighting for the same political space, all promising to work for the interest of their community, the Bodos.

Another question can be asked: can the Nabla faction of the NDFB be isolated? Or, will the Nabla faction become irrelevant in Bodo politics with the passage of time since a major group is out in the open and is talking of reconciliation with New Delhi? That may not quite happen because if the authorities now come to take the Dhiren Boro faction for granted and adopt their favourite strategy of postponing peace by not putting the peace talks on the fast track to reach a possible solution, it could well be this faction (headed by Dhiren Boro) that may end up getting isolated. If that happens, the Nabla faction will once again come to call the shots and make a comeback with fresh recruitments and fresh acts of violence. Will the Government then start afresh by extending an olive branch to the Nabla group? This can be a never ending process really.

It is time the Government reviews its step-by-step approach at peace-making in the country, particularly in the Northeast. As things stands today, ceasefires with insurgent groups are clearly nothing but a time-buying mechanism adopted by the authorities to restore a semblance of order in the insurgency theatres across the region. Often the authorities are clueless as to how they are going to take the peace process to the next level after reaching a truce with a rebel group. On their part, rebel groups agree to truce offers or offer truce on their own as a tactical ploy to get the pursuing security force off its back and regroup. The Government needs to think if it should henceforth make it mandatory for the top leaders of any insurgent group to agree to come out from hiding and stay in designated camps before a ceasefire agreement is signed.

The Sentinel, 3rd January, 2009.



6th  Jan  2009.

It is unfortunate that NSCN were compelled to arrest anti-social elements involved in tax collection or other illegal activities in the name of reactionary K-group. It is however to be made known that they are not kept in the custody of NSCN more than the period necessary for interrogation. Moreover the joy of festive season of Christmas and New

Year was not denied to them. And accordingly, all the arrested elements kept in GHQ were released without any condition in different period of time. The list shown below is indicative of the release beginning from January 2008 to Dec 23, 2008.

1.      Mr Mhosevoyi Nikha s/o Mr. Felenii Nikha of Zasheyu Village, Region Ch’sang.

2.      Mr. Hovito Zhimomi s/o Mr. Inaho Zhimomi of Kukidolong (Gaspani)

Region- Sumi d/o released-March 28, 2008.

3.       Mr. Zakaito Zhimomi s/o Mr. Bohoto Zhimomi Zomti Village Region Sumi 02/04/

4.      Mr. Herato Kinimi s/o Mr. Hugheto Kinimi of Zaphumi Village,

Region- Sumi d/o released- April 14, 2008.

5.      Mr. Akato Yeptho s/o Mr. Lali Kakheto Yeptho of Aghunato Village

Region Sumi 18, 2008.

6.      Mr. Ketoshe Zhimomi s/o Mr. Vinito Zhimomi of Kiyekhu Village

Region Sumi d/o released- April 18,2008.

7.      Mr. Yimso Khiphruh s/o Late Mr. Shankar Khiphruh of solomi Village.

Region Bihar d/o released July 20, 2008.

8.      Mr. Kevisehe Chishi s/o Lt. Tohenu Chishi of Guihakhu Village,

Region Sumi d/o released Dec 11,2008.

9.      Mr. Stenhop Fithu s/o Mr. Yapoh Fithu of Regin Village- Pochury

10.      Mr. Kasheho Shohe s/o Mr. Kohoshe Shohe of Awohomi Village, Region Sumi.

11.      Mr. Lan Kamei s/o Mr. Atching Kamei of Nongba Village, Region ZLR

d/o released- Dec 04, 2008.

12.      Mr. Nunghingthan Golmei s/o Thonsem Village Region- ZLR, d/o released Dec 04, 2008.

Issued By



Press Release

9th Jan.2009

The Indo-Naga Ceasefire that was reached in August 1st, 1997 bears historical significance because the long years of Indo-Naga conflict reflected the futility of seeking military solution by suppressing the Naga political struggle. The Indian military generals realized this impracticality, which ultimately striked the political consciousness of the bosses in New Delhi.

The Nagas under NSCN was only defending its political right that has been intruded and suppressed. The NSCN’s endurance for more than 11years after ceasefire demonstrates its faith on political solution and not military solution.

Nevertheless, the Indo-Naga ceasefire was simply not signed on blank paper. Certain obligations are attached to preserve the sanctity of the ceasefire and one of the obligations prohibits the Indian Armed forces from coming within the range of 1 Km of any NSCN’s designated camps without getting prior approval from the Ceasefire Monitoring Cell. Violation of this is therefore, against the ceasefire spirit as laid down.

This violation by the Indian Armed forces has come into special focus when on 8th Jan. 2009 at around 1:00 pm a group of A R personnel from 33 Assam Rifles led by one Capt. S.Momo  and four other Jawans intruded into the prohibited zone of Ihoshe Battalion of Naga Army near Pfuzero, which is a designated camp. Naga Army was left with no option but to exercise the military command of duty to defend its territorial rights as demarcated by the Indo-Naga ceasefire. The five AR personnel were overpowered by the alert Naga Army and detained for conducting interrogation. The version of the AR was that they were doing patrolling duty. But, the question is, why at the gate of the designated camp? An official of the rank of Captain should know the

rules that governed the ceasefire for the past 11 years. In the light of this provocative episode it may be pointed out that there is more about Capt. S.Momo than what meet the eyes. His

notorious movement in the Chakhesang area is nothing new. He has been a source of social irritants for quite some time.  But despite the unwarranted interference of this officers as witnessed by the authorities of the area including S.D.P.O.,C.P.O (Chakhesang people’s

Organization) GBs etc. nothing was done to stop him from going overboard. And this is just another repetition of his unauthorized intrusion into the area.

The five personnel were compelled to undergo serious interrogation at the hands of the Naga Army, and they were not kept in Naga Army’s custody for more than what is required. They were released on the midnight of January 8, 2009 after making the civil societies and district administration as witnesses. Their weapons were also eventually released after the Assam Rifles admitted their mistakes.

Issued by MIP GPRN.


Women’s role appreciated

Press Release

26 Jan 2009

When the Naga Army of Kiusumong Battalion at Shiroi put their foot down in the face of the unwarranted confrontationist approach adopted

by the Assam Rifles to forcefully evict the Naga Army it sent out an alarming message. The Tangkhul Civil Societies, particularly the women

groups sensing the trouble was put in a state of alert lest the hard earned ceasefire is put into jeopardy by the Assam Rifles whose

actions are turning out to be more of nuisance than anything else. The message is also clear beyond doubt that the NSCN is never on the wrong

side of the ceasefire ground rules. But with Assam Rifles saying otherwise, and giving impossible conditions to the Naga Army to vacate

the camp, the impending showdown with dangerous consequence was brought nearer to the door of the village. In such eventuality the

women and innocent villagers will bear the brunt. Not to allow this gunfire to boom again as    experienced in the past and save the

ceasefire that exist in Naga areas of Manipur (informally) the women of the surrounding villages awaken themselves to play the role of

peace makers between the AR and NA. Led by Tangkhul Shanao long (Tangkhul women organization) hundreds of women reached the spot to

form a wall-like human structure not to allow the AR to cross. Despite the chilly winter night the women of the Village like Hundung,

Choithar, Langdang, Nungbi and from the Ukhrul town stay put in the camp area to face the war-like situation. They have one object in

mind, and that is, peace should prevail. They know that political settlement through negotiation is the only way out and military

confrontation they abhorred. Their emotional and physical involvement in such manner certainly saved the day from going bloody. With the

government of India showing different colors in different occasions not doing enough to rein in the AR the Nagas are passing through a

critical period where the nerve of the NSCN is being put to greatest test. But the culprits shall be AR and not NA (Naga Army).

Issued by:




Dated Oking, 31 January 2009

The 29th NSCN Raising Day was celebrated at CHQ, Hebron with Qhevehi Chishi Swu, Convener Steering Committee, NSCN as the Chief Guest. The

function was attended by the members of the Steering Committee,Council of Kilonser, Tatars, NSWON members, Longvibu, Naga Army and

his subordinate officers and all civil Secretariat staff.

Chief Guest read out the speech of His Excellency Chairman Isak Chishi Swu. Mr. Rh. Raising Secy. Steering Committee delivered the speech on

“Why the birth of NSCN was necessitated? What are the achievements and failures of NSCN?”

Rev. A. Puni Vice-President CNC in his speech recalled the God’s marvelous works for the Naga people in the past more than fifty years

of national struggle. The day was especially marked with the confession and atonement for the transgressions of the Naga national

workers past and present.

Issued by





Dear Comrades-in-Common Cause,

On this historic raising day of the National Socialist Council of Nagalim, I greet you all in the precious name of our Lord Jesus

Christ. I pay homage and give my revolutionary salute to those departed souls. Their supreme sacrifices are precious and I believe

the blood of those martyrs speaks to the Lord as the blood of Abel did.

First of all, I would like to brief you on historical account. Politics and history are inseparable. Naga politics is built upon the

foundation of living Naga history, which means, Nagas are free from time immemorial. They have never been a part of Union of India or that

of Burma or any other power either by conquest or consent. Like the Greek city-states, Nagas were living free and independent in

their own sovereign village kingdoms till the British imperialist came to control a part of their country. Our forefather fought the

aggressors with ‘daos’ and spears in defense of our land, culture, identity and right. Thanks to our father who left the legacy of living

history to us. The issue of the Nagas is now left to the present generations. We will be held responsible if it cannot be defended to

keep it alive.

After the lapse of the British power, we declared our independence on 14 August 1947. Mahatma Gandhi, the father of the Indian nation

recognized our right to be free. But after his death the post Gandhi leadership waged war on Nagalim with a view to subjugate the Nagas. In

their attempt at subduing the Nagas they adopted the policy of divide and rule to keep the Nagas ever divided. Accordingly, the so-called

16-point agreement was reached in 1963, which physically divided the Nagas. When the Indian government tried to politically annihilate the

Naga nation, it was strongly resisted and saved under the banner of NNC, the then authentic political organization of the Naga people. The

Revolutionary Government was a setback plotted in collaboration with a faction of workers. The Shillong Accord was another attempt of the

Indian State upon the life of Naga nation through Naga traitors. However, it was totally rejected by the people in National Assembly.

Since annihilation of Naga nation has been the policy of Indian State the Government of India through the persons of some elements of

Shillong Accord staged a military coup with an eye to finish those remnant revolutionaries.

The Indian expansionist found a good friend in SS. Khaplang through whom the bloodiest abortive coup attempt was made in 1988.  Recently

we have witnessed another attempt made by the Indian state through some deserters to tear down the edifice of NSCN in the stolen name of

unification. In fact, we have already officially declared the policy of unity through reconciliation and forgiveness. But the hard reality

is that we are witnessing division between the patriots and traitors, loyalists of the people and deserters. Khaplang claims that he is for

the people when he is hosting all the anti-Naga elements at his camp. He is collaborating with the enemies of the people when people are

fighting against them. Where is his nationalism? In spite of the fact, we have stated time and again that we are for principle-based unity,

not unity in capitulation. Solution is the priority. Everything hangs on the pendulum of solution. If solution comes the rest will follow


Ours is a resistance movement for defending the land we belong. The war we are fighting is not a contest of strength. It is a war of just

and unjust, right and wrong. It is a movement for national future,peace and progress in Nagalim and the world as well. And that our case

cannot be viewed in isolation. It is part of the global problems. Naga Nation is rooted on solid ground of a principle and it will stay the

course even if the world falls apart. In the matter of approach to the confronting problem, NSCN is deeply committed to political solution

and we will continue to do so.

We are not begging freedom from India or Myanmar or for that matter from any others. Freedom of a people is inbuilt and it is our inherent

right. We are not asking territory from any other states. We have our own territory inherited from our fathers. The good Lord has created

the earth for all, big or small and even the smallest animal and nation have their own share in it. Whether the Naga people want to

join the Union of India or that of Myanmar or be free, it is their divine right to decide it by themselves. On the question of deciding

their future, the Naga people themselves are the prime factors. On top of that, we have been struggling under the banner of Nagalim for

Christ and the presence of the Lord has been with us thus far and I strongly believe that His presence shall continue to go with us till

to the last.

We believe in the doctrine of inter-dependent relationship of people and nations inasmuch as everything on earth is inter-related and

nothing stands in isolation. We do not nourish enmity towards any of our neighbors particularly India and Myanmar. We have been good

neighbors since time immemorial and we will continue to maintain that spirit. However, we cannot ignore the fact that we have an issue with

India and Myanmar and we will try to settle it through political means for any tangible solution acceptable to both parties. We rule out

violent means and we condemn any attempt at settlement of the issue through military might, which has been proved a futile exercise. This

is the era of democracy and we are committed to settlement of all human problems through dialogue based on mutual respect, understanding

and recognition of rights. We also believe that there is no problem, which we cannot solve through discussions.

Comrades, we have to be prepared for freedom, which demands of us the revolutionary spirit in every worker. We know all the nation-states

are the creations of revolutionary people and independent states are the homes of brave revolutionaries. I hope we too have revolutionary

generations to liberate our people from all kinds of bondages. Last but not the least, it is the faith force that matters. We must amend

our ways and reaffirm our decision for the Lord’s battle.






Why the birth of NSCN was necessitated? What are the achievements and failures of NSCN?

People are safe and secured only when they are placed in an organized condition. People are a force only when they are organized under the banner of one national organization. Unorganized people are vulnerable to all dangers from both within and without. To cite a few examples – Buffaloes live together, but they are not organized into a force to defend themselves from any predator. That’s why they become innocent victims of those predators. Like buffaloes, there are people who just live together without any political vision and organization only to be carried away by the waves.

On the other hand, there are animals like lions, wild dogs, bees etc. They are organized animals who live together, hunt together and defend themselves together. No predators can defeat them. Likewise, organized people are always the victors.

Our honorable General Secretary Th. Muivah used to say, “The world goes its own way independent of man.” As a matter of fact, it does not go accordingly to the sweet will of man. There was a time when man was the faithful subject of nature. There was also a time when man and nature live together in harmony. But this is the era where man strife to become the master of his destiny and everything. In order to subdue nature and become master of everything, man needs a giant machine called State. How big or great he might be an individual can never subdue the nature. The sun, the air, the water are being harnessed for producing sources of power for humankind. Nagas were living together in the same world, but under different thousands of sovereign units, which may not be viable in modern context. After the First and Second World Wars, they organized themselves into one political entity under the banner of NNC.

Emotional integration was brought about by the leadership of NNC. The Naga people under the  leadership of NNC raised the issue to the highest platform and even earned recognition of some sympathizer countries. But as the downfall of Roman Empire was brought about by the Romans themselves so also the downfall of NNC was brought about by NNC themselves. Any organization that has betrayed the principle naturally no longer represents the cause of a people. Politically speaking, the Shillong Accord is nothing but an accord of treason and no amount of argument can justify it.Leadership comes and goes; organization comes and goes, but the principle stands forever. The Principle does not change and it cannot be changed and destroyed. Generation comes and goes, but revolution stays to liberate people from all kinds of bondages and make them grow to the fullest size. The rational Nagas today and the revolutionary generations have got to think of their national future beyond NNC. In fact, we have reasons to appreciate and value those achievements made during its leadership and I am sure of it that they have gone into the pages of history. But the reality is that NNC had parted with history from 1975. Nagas have no point to look for their future in the dead organization. The Shillong Accord cannot be the end of Naga politics. The Nagas have a long way to go, but they were left without an organization to inspire and guide them in their struggle for their destination. Liberation of a people

without an organization is a wishful thinking. Thus the question came, ‘Who will go and fight for us and under what banner?’ Out of such historical necessity, NSCN was formed to be approved by the National

Assembly on January 31, 1980.

NSCN is neither a party nor an organization of a group of people as supposed by some people from some quarters. It is a national council (organization) that represents the aspiration and future of the four million Nagas today and generations to come. It was founded on the rock of ‘Sovereign Independent Christian Socialist Democratic Republic.’

In the past, the Naga army units in the regions were highly communalized. All units were manned by their respective tribes, which was to me, the seat bed of tribalism. It was the leadership of NSCN who centralized them. Nationalism and religion are not inimical to each other. They are closely inter-related. Nationalism is a historical force to be reckoned with. Equally Religion is also a historical force that shapes the thinking of people. Our movement was identified by some sectarian elements as the movement of the Baptist Church. The virus of sectarianism thus infected the mindsets of some workers to some extent. It is the leadership of NSCN that formed CNC (Council of Nagalim Churches), the umbrella organization of all churches.

Each and every Naga is by culture, socialist-oriented. The activities of the Nagas throughout the year are all acts of socialists. They work together in groups or peers, dance and sing together, fight together,

hunt and fish together. They build their houses together free of cost. Every one contributes his/her best to the common cause. This kind of socialist culture is our social values to be treasured most. Socialist

spirit is the social bond that binds people together for a common good. Our fathers could not imagine of a village, a society, a Hoho or a nation without that spirit. In fact, we do not see anyone of them

moving forward without that spirit. The system of all the nation-states and the international community will die a natural death the moment socialist spirit dies in them. Basing on the social values of the Nagas, the leadership of NSCN put the word ‘national socialist’ in our manifesto and constitution, which I hope, will be a guiding spirit to the Nagas of all generations. Generation comes and goes; nation rises and falls but the torch of the socialist will ever burn.

It is this spirit that had dismantled the edifices of imperialism, colonialism, autocracy, expansionism and all oppressive systems in history. NSCN is for the revival of that socialist spirit in every Naga of all generations. Any one of us who does not have that spirit in him is out of the track. And whoever condemns it has no understanding of the Naga social values. It is, without doubt, a part of Naga culture. And that we can never stay away from it. Our war strategy was confined to guerilla warfare. It was a fighting within the enemy encircled areas. It is NSCN who changed the warfare from fighting within the box to outside the box, guerilla warfare to mass warfare, military warfare to political warfare and isolated warfare to collision warfare. NSCN took up the issue from the scrap of the Shillong Accord to the Prime Ministerial level talks. It raised the issue to the level of international platform. In fact, the

revolutionary spirit of the NSCN is quite laudable. NSCN know how to fight with machine gun and how to capture enemies’ camps. But it should also be told that they must know how to win over the minds of

the enemies they fight. Those who capture the hearts of the enemies are greater than those who capture a city with sword. Of course, NSCN are good at fighting, but that fighting is only one dimension of revolution. We must also try to be good at other dimensions too. We must also be equally good in the politics of construction. After completion of the politics of liberation and construction, we have yet

another politics of production and management. Finally, we will be heavily engaging in the maintenance and defense of what we have made.

However great our achievements may be, there is gradual moral degeneration among the NSCN members. It is regrettable to learn that revolutionary spirit in many of our national socialist army is waning day by day, esteemed national heroes are losing their credibility. The noble socialist mindsets of many of us have been communalized or individualized. The virus of communalism, immorality, egoism,

rebellion, commandism and arrogance have taken deep root in the veins of many NSCN members. If we do not amend our ways when it is not too late I am sure, we will be chosen out by our own iniquities before long.

Let us therefore, take a strong decision to renew ourselves – physically, mentally and spiritually for our cherished goal.

God bless Nagalim for Christ.

God bless NSCN.

God bless the Naga People.

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